Holy Roman Empire

The political maneuvers between Britain, France, and Austria, along with the competition among Chile, Peru, and Bolivia, also ignited fierce political struggles within the Colombian government.

The presidential election of 1880 became the focal point of this power struggle. Realizing the severity of the situation, President Julián Trujillo Largacha decisively chose not to run for re-election.

However, his withdrawal did not ease the tensions but only intensified them.

After a series of fierce political battles, the pro-British leader Rafael Núñez was elected as the President of Colombia (with a term of two years), and the situation began to shift in favor of Chile.

When the news reached Europe, both Austria and France were shaken. The rivalry between Britain, France, and Austria wasn’t just about interests in South America, it was also about national prestige.

Losing to the British in other regions was somewhat acceptable. After all, France and Austria were relative newcomers, and their influence couldn’t compare to John Bull.

But Colombia was different. Both France and Austria had established significant influence there. Although they had arrived later than the British, their combined power should have been enough to counter British dominance.

The failure in the election wasn’t entirely surprising. Due to conflicting interests, both France and Austria had supported their respective political proxies within Colombia.

Even when France and Austria decided to cooperate, the conflicts between their proxies persisted, making sincere cooperation impossible.

With their forces divided and unable to concentrate their influence, losing the election was an expected outcome. While the upper echelons of government could understand this failure, it didn’t mean that everyone else could accept it.

To the outside world, it appeared that France and Austria had once again lost to Britain in the competition for influence in South America. This perception was bound to affect the choices of governments in other countries and regions.

If this notion was not overturned, France and Austria would find themselves at a disadvantage in future international battles.

…

In this era of survival of the fittest, there was nothing that couldn’t be resolved by force. If something couldn’t be solved, it simply meant the force wasn’t strong enough.

France and Austria were not to be trifled with either. Since the pro-British faction had come to power in Colombia, the British would have to make concessions elsewhere such as in the War of the Pacific.

On April 1, 1880, France and Austria each dispatched two cruisers to conduct an “April Fool’s Day military exercise” in the Pacific, while also paying a visit to Barranquilla.

That day happened to be the first day in office for President Rafael Núñez. He hadn’t even had time to celebrate his victory before being hit with a heavy blow.

Rafael Núñez furiously tore up the telegram and roared, “Damn it! This is a deliberate provocation. They’re intentionally making trouble for me!”

“Send orders to the surrounding troops to strengthen their defenses and prevent enemy landings...”

Before President Núñez could finish speaking, Foreign Minister Francisco interrupted him, “Mr. President, the French and Austrians are merely conducting a diplomatic visit.

While it is indeed impolite, it still falls within the boundaries of normal diplomatic behavior. Taking rash actions to escalate the situation is a consequence we cannot afford.”

There was nothing wrong with that reasoning. It was indeed a diplomatic visit. Although it had been unannounced and involved warships, weak nations had no say in diplomacy. Minor breaches of protocol had to be tolerated.

President Rafael Núñez understood this logic as well. Otherwise, instead of ordering the army to be on alert, he would have commanded the navy to expel these uninvited guests.

Suppressing his anger, Rafael Núñez complained bitterly, “A proper diplomatic visit, how hard is it to give advance notice? Forcing their way into the port under the banner of diplomacy… this must be a miracle in the history of international relations!”

After a moment of contemplation, Foreign Minister Francisco advised, “There have been many such ‘miracles,’ Mr. President. You’ll have to get used to them.

Now that we are the ruling party, we must take responsibility for this country. We can’t afford to act rashly anymore, or problems will quickly arise.”

As a seasoned politician, Rafael Núñez understood the importance of knowing when to back down. As for “saving face,” it was already gone so it was better to let it go for now.

“You’ve convinced me. Send someone to keep an eye on them. If there’s any sign of a landing attempt, take immediate action.”

The Franco-Austrian joint fleet was there for a visit. Naturally, they had not brought landing troops with them so a landing was out of the question. Out of respect for Núñez’s pride, Francisco refrained from pointing this out.

“That’s a minor issue. The real problem now is how to deal with these troublesome guests. France and Austria’s goal is clear: they want us to guarantee open trade routes with Peru.

But before the election, in order to secure British support, we made a promise that if we won, we would shut down trade routes with Peru.”

This dilemma was something Rafael Núñez had considered before the election. He had simply underestimated the determination of France and Austria.

After a brief moment of hesitation, Rafael Núñez made a reluctant decision, “Get in touch with the British. This whole mess started because of them. They can’t just wash their hands of it now!”

Francisco hesitated, as if wanting to speak but holding back. Although he knew this was “drinking poison to quench thirst,” there was no other choice.

Without bringing in British influence to counterbalance the political pressure from France and Austria, their own strength alone would never withstand the impact.

…

The South American issue involved the relationship between Britain, France, and Austria, and no amount of caution was excessive.

After receiving the Colombian government’s request for assistance, Prime Minister Benjamin immediately convened a cabinet meeting.

Benjamin stated, “Everyone is here, so let’s begin! Sir Edward, please give us an overview of the situation.”

“Understood, Prime Minister.”

Foreign Secretary Edward continued, “In order to bring the War of the Pacific to a swift conclusion, the Foreign Office has successfully persuaded Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay, and Ecuador to blockade the Peru-Bolivia alliance supported by France and Austria.

The only remaining trade route for the alliance was through Colombia. To sever this trade line, we recently supported the pro-British faction in Colombia, ensuring their victory in the elections.

Everything was progressing favorably until France and Austria, unwilling to accept defeat, suddenly overturned the table.

Three days ago, a joint Franco-Austrian fleet entered the Colombian port of Barranquilla, attempting to use military intimidation to force the Colombian government into submission.”

Though Edward spoke in a calm tone, he was clearly seething with anger.

Diplomatic maneuvers were supposed to be their stage to shine, and just as they were about to reap the rewards of victory, their opponents suddenly refused to play by the rules.

This was an embarrassing setback. Much of the Foreign Office’s painstaking efforts had been rendered futile. The anticipated achievement had slipped away at the last moment, and anyone in Edward’s position would have been frustrated.

Sensing this, Prime Minister Benjamin reassured him, “The Foreign Office’s efforts are evident to all. Forcing France and Austria to break the rules is, in itself, a great victory.”

With that, he led the applause, and the others followed suit. Though it was largely symbolic, it helped ease Edward’s frustration somewhat.

While he hadn’t been able to claim full success and reap the greatest political rewards, receiving recognition from his peers was still a significant consolation.

“Thank you, Prime Minister. This is simply our duty at the Foreign Office!”

…

Prime Minister Benjamin stated, “The situation is clear, and now we need to make a decision. The Colombian government has requested our assistance, hoping we can dispatch a fleet to ease their political pressure.”

Sending a fleet was not an issue. After all, they had worked hard to bring a pro-British government to power in Colombia, and the British government would not simply abandon them. The real question was how to manage relations with France and Austria.

As this matter touched on international relations, all eyes turned to Edward.

“France and Austria are our primary competitors, and maintaining long-term harmonious relations with them is impossible. In recent years, conflicts between us have continued to grow, and the eventual collapse of our alliance is only a matter of time.

However, that is an issue for the future. Right now, the alliance still serves a purpose, so our conflicts must remain within controllable limits.

France and Austria’s aggressive actions are understandable. Most South American countries have already leaned toward us. If they don’t push back now, they will lose their opportunity entirely.

Expelling France and Austria from South America in one decisive move is impossible. The stakes are far too high, and they will never simply walk away.

Currently, there are signs of increasing cooperation between France and Austria. I recommend that we proceed cautiously and know when to stop, to avoid provoking them too much and triggering irreversible consequences.”

…

At the invitation of the Colombian government, on April 6, 1880, a naval squadron of the British Royal Navy, tasked with blockading Peru, visited Mique.

The Colombian government was stunned. This wasn’t the script they had envisioned! The British had indeed demonstrated support through concrete actions, but the problem was that this wasn’t what the Colombian government wanted.

The choice of the visit location by the British, French, and Austrian fleets was incredibly clever. It happened to create a physical buffer between the eastern and western Pacific. Even if tensions escalated, the two sides wouldn’t be able to directly confront each other.

Undoubtedly, all three nations maintained rational restraint, deliberately avoiding direct confrontation and shifting the political pressure onto the Colombian government.

This left Rafael Núñez deeply troubled. Even with the slowest reaction, he could tell that Colombia had been played by the British.

Upon closer reflection, the issue wasn’t difficult to spot. In this era, a small government without the backing of international powers was inherently unstable.

On the surface, two choices lay before Rafael Núñez: Offend the British and compromise with France and Austria to ensure trade routes with Peru remain open; Or align firmly with Britain and completely break ties with France and Austria.

In reality, Rafael Núñez had no choice at all. France and Austria already had their own proxy representatives within Colombia. Even if they intended to support someone, it wouldn’t be him.

Following Britain wasn’t an easy choice either. Offending France and Austria so severely would undoubtedly invite retaliation from both nations.

Great powers value their reputation. If France and Austria couldn’t challenge Britain directly, they would certainly vent their frustrations on Colombia.

As for whether Britain could be trusted, Rafael Núñez had already learned the hard way.

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