The Rise of Australasia

Chapter 788 -588: 1924_1

How to capitalize on the current European situation to earn ample benefits?

Arthur first set his sights on Russia Nation, now divided into several parts. Compared with other European regions where the situation was nearing stability, Russia Nation, though currently enjoying peace, was in a state where much reconstruction was needed— an excellent opportunity for intervention.

Russia Nation needed to rebuild its industry and economy, and the essential condition for this recovery was loans from other countries.

Clearly, both parts of Russia Nation were now impoverished and needed support from other countries to restore their domestic affairs.

It wasn’t just the newly divided Russia Nation; the nascent small and medium-sized countries were like freshly baked cakes, tempting the Powers and European Nations.

The good news was that for Latvia, Estonia, and Finland, the three major powers of Britain, France, and Australia had already reached a tacit agreement. Arthur could confidently enter into any cooperation with Finland without worrying about interference from other countries, at least for the time being.

As for the newly born European power Poland, that was clearly the cake of the United Kingdom and France. Arthur had no interest in meddling, nor was it necessary to go out of his way to establish cooperation with the Poles.

The last two months of 1923 were harvest time for the Powers. Disregarding the now isolated United States, the strongest three Powers—Britain, France, and Australia—were still reaping abundantly.

Although nominally under the control of Poland, Lithuania, one of the Baltic States, had the support of Britain and France behind it.

In other words, the Baltic States were essentially under the control of Britain and France, greatly extending their influence and becoming the current two strongest nations in fragmented Europe.

Whether it was Germany, Russia Nation, Italy, or that entity which retained the name Austro-Hungarian Empire in name only but was actually just the Austrian Empire, none could compare with the current might of Britain and France.

Under these circumstances, the economic growth of Britain and France was proudly referred to by the media of the two countries as: “The New European Era!”

Was it the new era of Europe? Compared to the past Europe, it probably was. Yet, the hidden dangers of this era posed a fatal threat to the current Britain and France.

As time entered 1924, the European situation once again underwent changes.

First was the British Government, with MacDonald leading the Labour Party to successfully form the new British Cabinet, the first Labour Party Prime Minister in the history of the British Empire.

Setting aside what later generations may say of MacDonald, he had opposed war before World War I. His appointment indicated that the British Government’s goals would unlikely be too aggressive in the near future, and would probably prioritize development and recovery.

As a friendly ally of the British Empire, the Australasian Government expressed its concern for the new Cabinet of the British Empire and made contact with the new Prime Minister of the United Kingdom at the first opportunity after MacDonald’s successful formation.

Fortunately, no matter how the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom may change, the relationship between Australasia and the United Kingdom remains unaffected.

Unless competitors like France and the United States splinter as Russia Nation did, or Australasia rapidly grows to surpass the United States as the second major power, which is simply impossible in a short time frame, this defines the era’s relationship tone between Australasia and the United Kingdom.

In the same month, former US President Woodrow Wilson was pronounced dead, and the American Government expressed its condolences.

But in the eyes of the American People, whose reputation had already been tarnished, Wilson’s death did not cause much regret, nor did it have a significant impact.

In fact, as early as 1919, President Wilson suffered a severe stroke that left him paralyzed on his left side.

Combined with the pressures of the Influenza outbreak, the Philippine independence war on the American Government that same year, this partially paralyzed President of America also had to endure tremendous stress while handling his duties amidst his damaged reputation.

The current President Wilson was nearly 67 years old in an era when technology was not advanced, so his passing could be considered to have died a natural death.

Despite the controversial nature of his administration, the current President Calvin Coolidge still honored him with dignity, and the commemoration by the American Government was quite impressive.

However, on an international level, Europe and other countries showed little interest in the death of the former President of America.

The former President of America was not that much of an attention-grabber to begin with, not to mention the now-tarnished reputation of America.

The changes to the timeline did not stop there. In the original history, the cities of Russia Nation went through renaming.

But now, as Tsarist Russia was still in rule, its capital did not need to be renamed and remained Saint Petersburgh.

Before January had ended, Dmitry, having settled in Finland, immediately ordered the Government of Finland to sign a cooperation agreement with Australasia.

The content of this cooperation agreement included a loan of 20 million Australian dollars to Finland from Australasia, tighter trade cooperation in agriculture and animal husbandry, agreements on imports and exports, imports of ore and fuel, as well as assistance with industry and infrastructure, among other items.

In exchange for signing this cooperation agreement, Australasia would obtain a piece of land in Finland to establish a Military Base, with a lease term of 99 years.

Luckily for them, Finland had more land than people, and trading a piece of cold, nearly worthless land for the substantial support of the powerful Australasia was a worthy deal for the Government of Finland.

As for Dmitry, even though he had become the Grand Duke of Finland, he was clearly aware of the importance of establishing good relations with Australasia.

It’s true that cooperating with the Powers is akin to seeking skin from a tiger, but Australasia is too far from Europe to hold much interest in Finland.

But it is different with Britain and France—they are indeed the kind that will devour others, especially for European nations.

In February 1924, Arthur received another telegram from Dmitry.

In the telegram, Dmitry stated that he had begun the establishment of the Grand Duke Guard and requested Arthur to send military experts to help train them.

Arthur naturally agreed to this request, for it was only with a well-trained Grand Duke Guard that Dmitry’s safety and his rule over Finland could be secured.

Although Arthur did not pay too much attention to Finland’s political situation, the Royal Security Intelligence Agency was very diligent in reporting it to him.

One must admit, Dmitry’s studies in Germany and Australasia were useful.

Especially since he was already past thirty, he acted without radicalism, and did not start off with the intention to completely reclaim Finland’s power.

After all, the history of the Grand Duchy of Finland spans over a hundred years, and Finland’s history of autonomy stretches back several decades as well.

The history of this region can be traced back to over a hundred years ago to Novgorod; dominating this region requires more than just recklessness and radicalism.

Arthur’s precedent in Australasia cannot be copied either, for at that time he had the support of the British Empire, and since the Australian Region had been a colony of the British Empire, Arthur’s rule was natural.

But Finland is different—Dmitry is an outsider in comparison to Finland. Rather than seizing government power too early, it’s more sensible to garner as much support from the Finnish people as possible, which is what an external monarch should prioritize.

Once the hearts of the people are won, acquiring power becomes a natural progression. With the support of Australasia, even a very mediocre monarch would have a great chance of acquiring high power, let alone the seemingly prudent Dmitry.

After learning all this, Arthur was quite reassured about Dmitry’s rule in Finland, and he naturally shared this good news with Queen Mary.

Queen Mary was naturally very pleased and was happy to see her brother proliferate in Finland, although it was a small country; the advantage of a small country is stability.

As long as Dmitry’s successors in ruling Finland do not harbor excessive ambition and focus on development within Finland, securing their monarchical status should pose no issue.

However, if Dmitry or a subsequent Finnish monarch wanted to establish a highly powerful absolute monarchy, then Arthur could only say that timing and fate would tell.

Arthur’s high monarchical power was not for emulation, not even something he considered preserving in the next King of Australasia.

Such high monarchical power might greatly increase the efficiency of national administration, but a single misstep could lead to disaster.

When the monarch holds power, it means their rule is laid bare for all to see.

The success or failure of policies is tied to the monarch’s reputation, and one failure could potentially bring the era of monarchical rule to an end.

This had already been demonstrated in Germany and Russia. Had it not been for the intervention of Australasia and Britain, these two countries would have abolished monarchism by now.

This is actually the main difference between absolute monarchy and constitutional monarchy. When government power is centralized within the Cabinet and Parliament, it is extremely difficult for the monarch to govern the country, but the upside is that they can assign blame to the government and Parliament, avoiding bearing substantial infamy.

Should the government’s reputation tarnish, simply stepping forward to announce the dismissal of the government can even earn the popularity and approval of the people; this system of controlling everything from behind the scenes is safe for monarchism.

However, this approach has one problem: one cannot place the continuance of monarchism on the government.

If a certain Prime Minister feels the monarch is dispensable and wishes to dismiss the monarch, that might well be the greatest crisis for constitutional monarchy.

Based on over 20 years of ruling experience, Arthur had a certain understanding of the powers that future Kings of Australasia should hold.

Power should not be too great, as it is improbable that every monarch of Australasia will be a wise and just ruler.

But power should also not be too little; it is necessary to hold certain trump cards in hand to ensure that the monarch’s position is not threatened by excessive ministerial power.

Currently, institutions like the Royal financial group, Royal Parliament, and the Guards, among others, are the trump cards Arthur has left for the later generations of Australasian monarchs.

Most times, they can operate behind the scenes of the government, leaving the work of governance entirely in the hands of the government. In times of danger, these trump cards also suffice to ensure the monarch’s position, preventing monarchism from being threatened.

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